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93  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


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I — I    Coloured  maps/ 


D 
D 

n 


Cartes  giographiques  en  couleur 


Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


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r~l^  Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 


□Pages  detached/ 
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r~V^howthrough/ 
L^   Transparence 

r~~]    Quality  of  print  vanes/ 


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Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprand  du  materiel  supplementaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
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D 


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ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata.  une  pelure, 
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obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


DISTORTION  OF  PRINT  MAY   RESULT  FROM  CREASED  PAGES. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  filmd  au  taux  de  rMuctlon  indiqui  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


26X 


30X 


V 

12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thank* 
to  the  generosity  of:      ; 

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L'exemplaire  f ilmi  f ut  reproduit  grAce  h  la 
g6n6rosit*  de: 

Metropolitan  Toronto  Library 
Canadian  History  Department 

Les  images  suivantes  ont  6x6  reproduittfs  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin.  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  netteti  de  l'exemplaire  film6,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
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sion,  or  the  back  cover  whan  appropriate.  All 
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first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  —•►(meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
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beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimis  sont  filmis  en  commenpant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
derniire  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  film6s  en  commenpant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  derniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparattra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  —►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE".  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  fitre 
film6s  &  des  taux  de  reduction  diffdrents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Stre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clich6,  il  est  filmi  i  partir 
de  Tangle  sup6rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas.  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  ndcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mdthode. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

] 


% 


|.V». 


4 


L  E  T 


E  R 


rf  ■#,. 


FROM 


PHOC  lO  N.  . 


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CONSIDERATE   CITl2p9 


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NEW- YORK, 

On  the  Politics  of  the  Day, 


±a: 


NEW.rORK:  PriBted  b^SAMUEL  LWOON. 


1l 


*  \4 


• 


// 


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50 


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A    L  E  T  T  E  R,  &C, 


*r  ^  -rHlLE  not  only  every  perfonil  artifice  is 
^/%/    employed  by   a   few   heated  and   incon- 

f   y       fideraic  fpirits,  to  praftife  upon  the  pafllons 
of  the  people,  but  the  public  papers  arc 
ma^c  the  channel  of  the  moft  inaamn^aiory  and  per- 
nicious  dcariaes,   tending   to  the  fubverfion  of  al! 
prifare    fecurity  and  genuine    liberty;  it  would  be 
culpable  in  ithofe  who  underftand  and  value  the  true 
iniereds  of  the  community  to  be  filent  fpe^lators.     It 
i?,   however,  a  common  obfervation,  that  men,  bent 
upon  mifchief,are  more  aaive  in  the  purfuit  of  their 
objea.  than  ihcfe  who  aim  at  doing  good,  ^  Hcoce  it 
is  in  the  prefent  moment,  we  fee  the  mo(J  induftrious 
'  efforts   to  violate  the  conftituiion  of  this   ftate,  to 
trample  upon  the  rights  of  the  fubjea,and  to  chicans 
or  infringe  the  mofl  folemn  cbligations  of  treaty  ; 
while  di'fpaffionate  and   upright  men  almoil  totally 
neglea  ihe  means  of  counteraaing  thtfe  daogerons 
attempts.     A  fenfe  of  duty  alone  calls  forth  the  ob- 
fervaiioQS  which  will  be  fubmitted  to  the  good  fcnfe 
of  the  people  in  this  paper,  from  one  who  has  more 
inclioaiion  than  leifore  to  fc:rve  them ;  and  who  has 
had  too  deep  a  (hare  in  the  common  CKeriions  in  this 
revolution,  to  be  willing  to  fee  its  fruits  blafted  by 
the  violence  of  raftior  uopriocipled  men,  without  a; 

Ifaft  protcftipg  ag^ioft  th^ir  defigq?. 


\ 


(    4    ) 

The  perfon?  allu.^cd  ro,  pretend  to  appeal  to  iht 
fpirit  of  WM.f.,.;.f'n.  while  they  cndcivour  to  put  m 
motion  all  toe  iunuus  aud  da.k  paffions  of  the  humaa 
mind.  The  fpiri:  of  Whi^^giim,  's  generous,  humane, 
beoeficeat  «n.1  juft.     Thele  rucn  inculcate  revenge, 
cruelty,  perkcadon.  and  pcrfiJy.  The  fpirK  of  Wh.g- 
gifm  chcr.lhc^  legal  liberty,  holds  the  rights  of  every 
individual  Ujred,  condemns  or  puniQies  no  man  with- 
out rcguUi  (rial. and  conviaion  of  fome  crime  dc- 
clarcd  by  ^.irectdenf  laws,  reprobates    equally  the 
puoifhmeoc  oi  the  citize:^  by  arbitrary  afts  ot  legil- 
fature  as  by  th^-l  jvl-fs  corabinaiio'U  of  unaurnonled 
individuals :— Whue  thefe  men  are  advocates  for  ex- 
pellinga  large  number  of  their  f«llow  cwizeas  ua- 
heard,  untried  J  or  if  they  cannot  effea  this,  are  tor 
^isfranchilmp:  them,  in  the  face  of  the  ccnauution. 
•without  the  judgment  of  their  peers,  and   contrary 
totheUwof  the  land.  ' 

*    Thf    1:5  '1   article  of   the    conmtution    dealares, 
^  that  no  meraoer  of  this  tiacC  fhall  be  disfranchifed 
«  or   defrauded  of  any  cf  the  rights  or  privileges 
«»  facred  to  the  (..bjeasot  this  ftite  by  the   '-.oaltiiu.- 
««  tion,  unlefs  by  the  law  of  the  land  o^  lbs  judgment 
««  ofhispeersj^     If  we  enquire  'J»hat  is  m?anc  by  the 
law  of  the  land,  the  beft  commentators  will  tell  u?, 
that   it   means  due  procefs   of  law.  that  is,  by  in- 
4iam>'nt  or  prefintment   of  good   and  lawful  men, ^ 
3nd  trial  and  conviaion  inconsequence. 

It  it  is  true,  that  in  England,  on  extraordinary  oc- 
caGons,  attainders  for  high  ireafou.  by  aa  of  parliameiit 
have  been  praaiced,  but  many  of  the  ableft  advocates 
for  civil  liberty  have  condemned  thisi*  praaice,  and  it 
has  commonly  befinexercifed  with  great  caution  upoo 
individuals    only    by  name,    ocver    agalnft  genera,  * 

defcriptions 

»  CcxB  upon  Magna  Chartaj  Chap.  29,  Page  50,' 


€ 


ppeal  re  the 
iir  to  put  it) 
f  the  human 
lus,  hunaane, 
:are  revenge, 
irit  of  Whig- 
jh'.s  0^  every 
30  man  with- 
le  crime  de- 
equally  the 
adls  of  Icgif- 
unaurhorifed 
)caces  for  ex- 
'  cirizeas  ua- 
t  this,  are  for 
:  ccnftiiution, 
and   contrary 

tion    c^ealares, 

;  disft  anchifed 

or  privileges 

the   './."•aitiiu.- 
of  ths judgment 

meant  by  the 
3rs  will  tell  u?, 
\hat  is,  by  in- 
'  lawful  mcn^^ 

• 

traordinary  oc- 

ft  of  parliameiit 
iblefi;  advocates 
praflice,  and  it 
at  caution  upoo 
agaloft  genera 
defcrtptions 

9,  Page  50; 


(    5     ) 

defcrlptions  of  men.  The  fcnfc  of  our  cooftitutiot 
00  th^  pra6tice,  we  may  gather  from  the  41ft  art.cicj 
where  all  attainders,  other  than  for  crimes  committed 
during  the  late  war.  are  forbidden.  ,      ,    -r 

If  There  hai  been  no  treaty  in  the  way,  the  legii- 
lature  migh.,  by   name,  have  attainted  ^^^''f^;^^}" 
ffius  of  hi?h  treafon  tor  crimes  committed  durmg  the 
war,  but  "iodepemknt  of  the  treaty  it  could  not  and 
cannot  without  tyranny,  disfranchife  or  puo.lh  whole 
claffes  of  ciiizens  by   general  dcfcriptioos,  without 
trial  and  conviftion  of  ofFences  known  by  laws  previ- 
onQy  eftabliihcd  declaring  the  offence  and  prcfcribing 

'^ Vhi^slfa  diftate  of  natural  jufticc.  and  a  funda- 
'  mental  principle  of  law  and  liberty. 

Nothing  is  more  common  than  for  a  tree  people, 
in  times  of  heat  and  violence,   to  gratify  moment- 
.  arv   paffions.  by  letting  into  the  government  prin- 
ciples and  precedents  which  afterwards  prove  fatal 
to  thtmfeives.     Of  this  kind  is  the  doai^me  of  dif- 
qualification,    disfranchifement    and    bamlhment   by 
afts   of  lepiQature.      The  dangerous   confcquences 
of  this  power  are  manifeft.     If  the  legiflature  can 
disfranehife  any  number  of  ciiizens  at   pleaftire  by 
general  defcriptions,   it   may  loon   confine  all    the 
votes  to  a  fmall  number  of  partizans,  and  ellablito 
an  ariftocracv  or  an  oligarchy  ,  if  it  may  baniQi  at 
.    difcretion  all   thofe  whom   particular  circumitances 
render  obnoxious,  without  hearing  or  trial,  no  nua 
can  be  fafe,  nor  know  when   he  may  be  the  inno- 
cent viaim  of  a  prevailing  faGion.     The  name  ot 
liberty  applied   to  fuch  a   government  ^ would  be  a 
mockery  of  common  fenfe.  ^ 

The  Englifh  Whigs,  after  the  revolution,  froiii 
an  overweening  dread  of  popery  and  the  Pretender, 
^ifrom  triennial  voted   the  parliamea^  fepicpnial.— 
^  ^    "  They 


(    6    ) 

They  have  been  trymg  ever  fiace  to  uni!o  this  fa'ftj 
ftcp  io  vain,  and  «rc  rcpcaiini;  the  cffedJs  of  crtcir 
folly  io  :he  over-^ro\«ru  powtr  oF  the  lunt  iamily. 
Some  imprudent  Whigs  among  us,  from  refentm:^nc 
to  thofe  who  have  talc?a  the  oppofi  e  (i  le,  (mi 
many  of  them  from  worfc  motives)  would  or  .^jc 
ihe  principles  of  oar  govcrnmeat,  au  1  furniib  ;  ^^ 
dents  for  future  ulurpitioas  o;i  thi  rights  i^f  u.a 
community. 

Let  the  people  beware  of  fuch  CDnnfclbrs.*—— 
However,  a  few  defi^ning  men  may  rife  in  confe- 
quence,  and  advance  their  private  interefti  by  fach 
expedients,  the  people,  at  large,  are  fare  to  be  the 
lofers  in  the  event,  whenever  ilicy  fuiTer  •  departure 
from  the  rules  of  general  and  cquil  juftice,  or  from 
Rhe  true  principles  of  univerf^l  liberty. 

Thefe  men,  not  only  overleap  the  barrifrs  of  the 
•onfliiution  wiibout  rcmorfc,  buf  they  advife  us  to 
become  the  fcorn  of  nations,  by  violaring  the  folema 
engagements  of  the  United  Sfates.  They  endeavour 
to  mould  the  Treaty  with  Great  Britain,  into  fuch 
form  as  pleafes  them,  and  to  make  it  mean  any  thing 
or  nothing  as  fairs  their  views. — Ttiey  tell  us  that 
all  the  ftipulatioDf,  with  refpe6l  co  the  Tories,  are 
merely  that  Congrefs  will  recommend,  and  the  Statc« 
may  comply  or  not  as  they  plcafe. 

But  let  any  man  of  fenfe  and  candour  read  the 
Treaty,  and  it  will  fpeak  for  itfclf.  The  fifth  article 
is  indeed  recommendatory  ;  but  the  fixth  is  as  pofitive 
as  words  can  make  it.  "  Tbere  Jhall  be  no  future  con- 
*'  fifcations  made,  nor  profecutions  commenced  agaiaft 
"  any  perfon  or  perfons,  for,  or  by  reafon  of  <hc  pare 
"  whkh  he  or  they  may  have  taken  in  the  prefcnt  war, 
<<  and  DO  perfon  (hall,  on  that  account,  fuSer  any 
•*  future  lofs  or  daoaage,  either  its  his  perfon,  liberty, 


L'. 


cr 


property, 


'  */», 


ai 


lis  fa'ftj 
if  cftcir 
i'amily, 

confe- 
>y  fjch 

be  (he 
parture 
)r  from 

5  of  the 
e  us  to 
folema 
leavoiir 
ro  fach 
y  thing 
us  fhac 
ies,  are 
le  States 

:ad  the 
ti  article 
pofitive 
ire  con- 
I  agaiod 
the  pare 
ent  war, 
ier  any 
liberty, 


//^4r 


(   7   ) 


T 


At  to  the  rcftoraiion  of  confifcatcd  property, 
which  is  the  fubjcft  cf  the  fifth  article,  the  flaica 
Hiay  rcftorc  or  not  as  they  think  proper,  becaufs 
CoDgrefs  engage  only  to  recomtr.cnd  ;  but  there  is 
cot  a  word  abcaf  rcccmrocndation  in  the  6th  article. 

Quotations  are  mr*,e  frc  nt  the  debates  in  Parlia- 
meoi  to  prove  that  the  whole  is  undcrflorjj  as  re- 
cotnracodatory ;  but  the  cxprcflioos  in  thoTe  quota- 
tions, turn  altogether  upon  thofe  perfons  who  have 
been  actually  prcfcribed  and  ihcir  property  confif- 
caeed;  they  have  no  relation  to  thofe  who  coroe 
Oflder  the  fixth  article,  or  who  might  be  the  obje^a 
of  future  profecution  or  punifhment.  And  to  this 
it  may  be  added,  that  it  is  abfurd  and  inadmiflible 
in  fair  rcafoning,  to  combat  the  plain  and  authentic 
language  of  folema  treaty  by  loofe  recitals  of  debates 
in  news-papers. 

The  found  and  ingenuous  conftruftion  of  the 
two  articles  taken  collc61ively,  is  this — that  where 
the  property  of  any  perfons,  other  than  thofe  who 
have  been  in  arms  agaiofl  the  United  Stares,  had 
been  a61ually  confifcated  and  themfelves  profcribed, 
there  Congrefs  are  to  recommend  a  reftoration  of 
e dates,  rights  and  properties ;  and  with  rcfpeft  to 
thofe  who  had  been  in  arms,  they  are  to  recommend 
permiilicn  for  them  to  remain  a  fwelvemcnth  in  the 
country  to  folicit  a  like  refloration  :  But  with  lefpcft 
to  all  thofe  who  were  not  in  this  fituation,  and  who 
had  not  already  been  the  objeds  of  ccnfifcation  and 
banifhroent,  they  were  to  be  abfolutely  fccnred  fronaf 
all  future  injury  to  petfon,  liberty  or  property. 

To  fay  that  this  exemption  from  pofitive  injury 
does  not  imply  a  right  to  live  among  us  as  citizens, 
is  a  pitiful  fophiftry;  it  is  to  fay  that  the  banifh- 
ment  of  a  perfon  from  his  country,  connexions  and 
refources  (one  of  the  greaieft  puniftimeEts  that  can 
¥sfal  a  man)  is  no  puniibmeat  at  a)!. 

Bat 


I 
I 


ll    < 

.1 


,         (    8    ) 

fhemeaoing  of  the  word  liberty  hti  b'«  «<>«; 
teBed    T  t  ue  fenfe  muil  be  ihc  rnjo>mcm  of  .he 

i,«nmejt.    Theie    s  no  middle  line  ot  juu  con 

from  mtfoDal  iraprifoomro. !  If  »he  Utt  were  adopted, 
he  k^^iioa  would  becotne  m-eatory  ;  aod  by 
dep..v,S  thofewho  are  the  fubjcfl:  fj'f'^l 
prSteflioD  of  government  It  would  amount  to  a 
Tirtu.l  confifca.ion  and  ban.lhmea.  ;  for  'hey  "U^^ 
no.  have  the  benefit  of  the  laws  ag^mft  thofe  ^ho 
fliould  be  aogrcffors.  .  ,^a*^ 

Should  It  be  faidthat  they  may  receive  protefloa 
without  being  admitted  to  a  full  enjoyment  of  the 
;  ivuSesotciazens,  this  muft  be  e..her  matter  of 
fight  uBder  .he  treaty,  or  mitter  of  grace   id  the 
governmeut.     If    the    U..e,,..he  government  awy 
fefufe  it,   and  then  .he  objefiion  prefents  i.felf,  that 
•he  trea  V  would  by  (hisconftrufiion  be  virtually  de- 
feated ;  if  m...e.  of  right,  .hen  i.  follows  that  more 
is  intended  by  .he  word  liberty,  'han  aniere  e«mp- 
on  f°om  imprifunment.  and  where  (hall  the  Ime  be 
dtawn-net  a  capricious  and  arbit.ary  l.ne.    but  one 
warranted  by  rational  and  lepal   conftrufl.cn  ? 

To  fay  that  by  elpoufing  the  caule  of  G'tit'Sti- 
tain  they  became  aliens,  ar.d  tbjt   .t  w.ll  fatisfy  the 
reaty  to  allow  them  the  fame  proteflion  to  wb>cU 
aliens  are  enti.led_is   to  admit  that  ^fj^^s  "laj 
at  pleafore  renounce  .heir  allegiance  to  the  ftate  o| 
which   they   ar£  members,    and   devo.e    .hemfelves 
to  a  foreifin  inrifdiflion  ;  a  principle  coo.'"'? '?'•!; 
,nd  fubv'rfive  of  government.    But  even  th«i  wil 
no.  fatisfy  the  treaty  ;  for  aliens   cannot  ho\A   KiX 
proper.y  under  our  government ;  and  'f<hey  ««»''"'' 
all  their  real  eftates  belong  .o  the  public.    This  will 
be  to  all  Joteots  and  purpofes,  a  confifcation  ot 

property. 


been  COR- 
Dt  of  ihe 
fame  go- 

JU(1    COD- 

:xetnptioQ 
:  adopted, 
;  and  by 
it,  of  ihc 
lUDt  to  a 
hey  could 
thofc  who 

protection 
cDi  of  the 

matter  of 
:e   in  the 
rocot  may 
itfcif,  ihat 
irtually  dc- 

that  more 
ere  excrop- 
thc  line  be 
e,  but  ooe 
^icn  ? 

GrcatBri- 

fatisfy  the 
D  to  wbich 
jbjeits  may 
he  ftatc  of 

thcmfclves 
rary  to  law 
en  this  \n\\\ 
I  hold  real 
ey  are  aliens. 

This  will 
ififcaiioD   of 

property, 


C    9    ) 

property.    But  this  Is  not  all,  how  r'ocs  ic  appear  tha? 
the  perfons  who    arc  thus  to  be  ilripped  of  their 
citizeiiftiip,  have  be?n   guilty  of  fuch    an  ai!hcrcnce 
to  ihe  enemy,  as  in  legal  conromplation  amounis  to  a 
Clime.     Their  merely  rcmaioiog  in  their  polTtfiions 
under   the  power  of  the  cocqucror  docs  not  imply 
this;   but  is  executed  by  the  laws  an!  cuftoms  of  all 
civilized  naticns..    To  adjudge  them  culpable,  ihey 
mud  be  hilf  tried  and  convi^lcd}  and  this  the  treaty 
forbids.     Thefe  are  the  difficulties  involved,  by  re- 
curring to  fubtle  and  tvafive,  inftead  of  fimple  and 
candid  conflruaion,  which  will  teach  us  that  the  ftipu- 
laiions  in  the  treaty,  amount  to  an  amnefty  and  aft 

of  oblivion. 

There  is  a  very  fimple  and  concluUve  pomt  ct 
view  in  which  this  fuhjeO  may  be  placed.  No  ciiizea 
can  be  deprived  of  any  right  which   the  citizens  ia 
general  are  intitled  to,  iwlefs  forfeited  by  fome  offence. 
It    has  been  feeo    that    the  regular  and  conflitu- 
ti«nal  mode  of  afcertaining   whether  this  forfeiiure 
has  been  incurred,  is  by  legal  procefs,  trial  and  con- 
viftion.     This    ex  vi  termini,  fuppofcs  profecuiiOD, 
Now  confiftent  with  the  tieaty  there  can  be  no  future 
profecuiion  for  any  thing   done  on  account  of  the 
war.     Can  we  then  do  by  aft  of  legiilaiure,  what 
the  treaty  difables  us  from  doing  by  due  courfe  o£ 
law  ?   This  would  be  to  imitate  the  Roman  General, 
who  having  promifed  Antiochus  to  reftore  half  his 
veflels,  caufed  thpm  to  be  fawed  in  two  before  theik' 
delivery  ;  or  the  ^hixx,  who  having  promifed  the 
Thcbans  to  reflore  their  prifoners,  had  them   firft 
put  to  death,  and  returned   them  dead. 

Such  fraudulent  fubterfuges  are  juflly  confidered 
more  odious  than  an  open  and  avowed  violation  cf 
treaty.  When  thefe  poflure-maftcrs  in  logic  arc 
driven  from  this  firft  ground  of  the  meaning  oi  the 
treaty ;  ihey  arc  forced  to  that  of  atuckiog  the  right? 
^  jB  of 


(  Id  ) 

of  Congrefs  to  make  fuch  a  (lipulatioQ.  and  arrjlgnlog 
the  impudence  of  Great- Britain  in  aiicmpiing  to  make 
tcrros  for  our  own  fubjcas.  But  here  as  every  where 
clfe,  they  are  only  fuccefsful  in  betraying  their  nar* 
rowncfs  and  ignorance. 

Does  not  the  aft  of  confederation  place  the  cxcla- 
five  right  of  war  and  peace  in  the  United  States  m 
Congrefs?    Have  they  not  the  fole  power  of  making 
treaties  with  foreign  nations  ?  Are  not  thefe  among 
the  firft  rights  of  fovercignty.    and   does    not    the 
delegation  of  them  to  the  general  confederacy,  fo  far 
abridge   the  foverdgnty   of  each  particular  (late? 
Would  not  a  different  doftrine  involve  the  contradic 
tioa  of  impnum  in  imperio  f    What  reafonable  limits 
can  be  affigned   to  thefe  prerogatives  of  the  union, 
other  ihan  the  general  fafety  and   iht  jundamentah 
of  the  couftitmion  ?  Can  it  be  faiJ  that  a  treaty  for 
arreftiog  the  future  operartion  of  pofitive  a6>sof  legif- 
Jature,  and  which  has  indeed  no  other  effeft  than 
chat  of  a  pardon  .for  paft  oficnces  committed  againft 
thefe  a6^s,  is  an  attack  upon  the  fundamentals  of  the 
ftate  conftiiutions  ?   Can  it  be  denied  that   the  peace 
which  was  made,  taken  colleaively,  was  maoifeftly  for 
the  general  good ;  that  it  was  even  favourable  to  the 
folid  intereOs  of  this  country,  beyond  the  expcaaiioa 
of  the  raoft  fanguine  ?  If  this  cannot  be  denied ;  and 
none  can  deny  it  who  know  either  the  value  of  the 
cbjeas  gained  by  the  tfeaty,  or  the  oeceffity  thefe 

flakes  were  under  a:  the  time  of  making  peace  ? 

It  follows  iliat  Congrefs  and  their  Mioifters  aaed 
wifely  iu  making  the  treaty  which  has  been  made; 
and  it  follows  from  this,  that  thefe  ftates  are  bound 
by  ir.  and  ought  religionily  to  obferve  if. 

The   utl  popdiiif,  eacb  party  to  hold  what  tt 
jMis,  is  the  point  from  which  nations  fet  out  m 
framing  a  treaty  of  peace ;  if  one  fide  gives  up  a  pare 
»f  ks  accj^nifitioii?,  the  other  5d«  r«nd«rs  ao  cqutvaleet 


g  (o  make 
jry  where 
heir  nar- 

the  cxcla- 

States  m 
of  making 
:fe  among 

not  the 
icy,  To  far 
lar  (late  ? 
contradic- 
lable  limits 
he  uDJon, 
ndamentals 

treaty  for 
^s  of  legif- 
ciTeft  than 
:ed  agaiofl 
raisof  the 

the  peace 
nifcftly  for 
able  to  the 
expcOaiioQ 
enied ;  and 
iliie  of  the 
effity  ihcfe 

>eacc  ? • 

ifters  afted 
eeD  made; 

are  bouud 

d  what  it 
J  fet  out  in 
;s  up  a  pare 
0  €qu(ivaleB£ 

id 


(    n    ) 

i  tee  other  way.     "^^^^^'^^  ^"^S^ 

G.eat-Bricain   for  all  the  itinoorraat    c««™^ 

cT.s  m^de.     She  has  rende:cd  ^^  ^J^^ 

i„.e  .^^  hs  l.rge  dependenc.es.    ^^'^   ^^^.J^^^J 

...  i^meaiely  -^-^^^f  ^^^^^t ^    ^i"  one 

5..hole.fu.t.3^;me^~^ 

to  the  navigation  of  the  M.UiUpp  •  ^ 

ft.re   in  the  filh^.s.  ^^^^V^ei^^-  ^Y 

SrJ^7Sllthe"^^s,wna:e^^^ 

bL  our  origin.l  P-^^^^^  "  fa\"^ 

Che  laws  of  °^^--l- ^:,\7t':e  give'n  re^n  ? 

bcra<lheremsa™ogas.     How,nt>gnm  ^^^^ 

'*'Tffb"efa;:.°"a.'G:«,.Britain  has  only  rcfiored 
,0  uV  whi  (he  had  uDiuttly  taken  from  as.  and  that 
rhcrefoTe  we  a.e  no.  bouod  ,o  -^e  co.peaa^.n  - 
This  admics  of  fever.l  ''"f^J.^-f'f  ,,,'",„«  of 

Srmndiv    Thai   hnwewr  ihe  prmc.pie  of  the  ob 
yrU  have  ^-/Xrrc' af^^r-'lh; 
mifmg  an  eqaivaleot.  u  '=^"«  '°\ '^M  as  to  the 

external  effects  ot  war,  inc  vuiu       j  -  -^-^^^ 

knows  no  diftiaflio-  ^^.'^.f"  J^  J,f '"Je'  'Jd^s.he 
of  the  quarrel;  bot  m  the  "«»'?  °[  P ;  " /  „hich 

"on,ra£?oK  P«"«/P°^,f  J^'^L  Xf»^en«  of 
i»  ,  Bcceffiry  confenaeBC?  of  the  mwpe  ^^^.^^^_ 


f 


( 


It 


) 


uaticns;  for  as  ihcy  acknowledge  no  common  jiicJ^; 
ii  in  concludiog  peace  both  parties  were  not  to  ftad 
*i3pon  the  fame  ground  of  right,  there  never  cotd 
be  an  adjuflaaent  of  diflferenccs  or  an  end  of  wa-, 
This  is  t  fettled  principle. 

Let  us  examine  the  pretext  upon  which  it  is  div 
puted,     Congrefs,  fay  our  political  jugglers,*  have  d 
right   to  meddle  with  our   internal    police.     Thei 
would  be  puzzled  to  tell  what  they  mean  by  the  ex 
preffion.     The  truth  is,  it  has  no  definite  meaning  j 
for  it  is  im|)offible  for  Congrefs  to  do  a  fingle  aft 
which  will  not  dire^ly  or  indircftly  afFca  the  internal 
police  of  every  ftate.     When  in   order  to  procure 
privileges  of  commerce  to  the  gtizensof  thefe  dates 
in  foreign  countries,  they  ftipulate  a  reciprocity   of 
privileges  here,  flioes  not  fuch  an  admiffun  of  the  fub- 
je-Hs  of  foreigtj  countries  to  certain  rights  within  thefe 
ilares  operate,  iipmedine'y  upon  their  inteunj  police  P 
And  were  this  not  done,  would  not  the  poAer  of  mak- 
ing commercial  treacles  vefted  in  Congrefs,  become  a 
fn-rc  nullity  ?  1»  (hort.  if  oorhing  was  to  be  done  by 
Congrefs  that  woulj  afFecl  our  internal  police,  in  the 
large  fenfe  in  which  it  has  been  taken,  would  tot  all 
the  powers  of  the  confederation   be  annihilated  and 
the  union  diffolved  ? 

Bat  fay  they  again,  fuch  a  thing  was  never  heard 
of  3S-an  indemnity  for  traiterous  fubje(!ls  Itipulafed  in 
«  treaty  of  peace.  Hiftory  will  inlorin  them  that  it 
h  i  llipulation  often  made.  Two  examples  (bill  be 
fi  eJ  ;  The  treaty  of  Muofler  which  put  ao  end  to 
i'i2  niiFereaces  between  Spain  and  the  Uoited  Pro- 
\i"ic<i2,  after  the  revolution  of  thcfe  provinces :  The 
t'Ca:y  coQcluicd  in  1738,  between  the  Eupirc, 
France,  Spain,  Poland,  and  (cveral  other  powers,  cal- 
.  led  iba  Chridian  peace.  The  war  which  preceded 
this  rreny  was  one  of  the  moft  complicated  in  which 
I'^^rr.pe.  ha4  been  engaged  j  the  fucccflion  to  the 

"Spaniib 


ion  jnd^, 
)t  to  ftad 
ver  cotd 
I  of  w?, 

I  ic  IS  div 

!,*h«VC  Di 

c.     The] ' 
)y  ihc  ex 
rocacing  j 

fingle  aft 
le  ioteroal 
3  procure 
lefe  dates 
rocfty   of 

the  fub- 
ihin  thcfe 
ii  police  ? 
r  of  roak- 
become  a 
r  done  by 
e,  in  the 
J  Ctoc  ali 
ated  aDd 

er  heard 
ulafed  ia 
I   that  ic 

(bill  be 
3  end  to 
sd  Pro- 
5:  The 
Enpirc, 
ers,  cal- 
►reccded 
n  which 

to  the 
Ipanifl; 


(    n   ) 

SpaniCh  Monarchy,  and  the  right  to  the  throne  of  P«» 
land,  had  been  included  in  it,  Siamllaus  having  bees 
obliged  to  abcicarr^  the  crown.  Different  parts  of  the 
nations  concerned  had  taken  oppofite  fides.  Many  cf 
the  German  Princes  had  been  in  arms  agamrt  the 
Empire  to  5»hich  they  owed  obedience :  This  treaty 
not  only  mmually  flipulates  indemnity  to  the  fubjefts 
of  theiefpeftive  powers,  but  even  reftituiion  of  pn^ 
ferty  and  offices^  The  Emperor,  who  contraftcd  in 
behalf  of  the  Empire,'  has  much  lefs  cxtenfive  powers 
as  he^d  of  the  Empire,  than  Congrefs  as  reprefenta- 
tive  of  the  United  States. 

But  let  it  be  admitted  that  Congrefs  had  no  right 
to  enter  into  this  article— Dacot  equity  and  pru- 
dence ftrongly  urge  the  feveral  ftaies  to  comply 
with  it  ?  We  have  in  part  enjoyed  the  benefit  of 
the  treaty ;  in  confeqaence  of  which,  wte  of  this  flare 
arc  now  in  pofftirion  of  our  capital  ;  and  this  implici 
an  obligitioQ  in  confcience,  to  perform  what  is  to* be 
performed  on  our  part — But  there  is  a  confideraiioa 
which  will  perhaps  have  more  force  with  men,  wh« 
feem  to  be  fuperior  to  confcientious  obligations; 
it  is  that  the  Briillh  are  (till  in  poffeffion  of  our 
frontier  pofts,  which  ihey  may  keep  in  fpitc  of  us ; 
and  that  they  may  effeniially  exclude  us  from  the 
filheries  if  they  are  fo  difpofed.  Breach  of  treaty 
on  our  part  will  be  a  juft  ground  for  breaking  it  oo 
iheirp.  The  treaty  muft  (land  or  fall  together. — 
The  wilful  breach  of  a  fingle  article  annuls  the 
whole. ■'^  Congrefs  are  appoin^vcd  by  the  conftitu- 
lion  to  manage  our  ibreign  concerns.  The  nations 
with  whom  they  contract  are  to  fuppofe  they  undcr- 
iland  their  own  powers  and  will  not  exceed  ihem. 
If  they  do  it  in  any  inftancc<  and  we  think  it  proper 
to  difavow  the  a£l,  ic  wiii  be  no  apology  to  thofe 
with  whom  they  contraft,  that  they  had  exceeded 
their  authority.  One  fide  cannot  bt  bound  unle& 
•the  obligation  is  reciprocal.  Suppofe 

*  Vatel,  Enok  ^,  Ch.  4.  \  ^-j.  Grotlu5,Beolf  j.Ch.  J^,  ^  14, 


*i! 


It 


(         H        ) 

Suppofe  thco  Great. Britain  (hould  be  induced  to 
rcfufc  a  further  compliaoce  wich  the  treaty,  in  con- 
fcqaCQCC  of  a  breach  of  it  on  our  part,  what  Giaatioo 
IhoQld  we  be  in  ?  Can  we  renew  the  war  to  compel 
a  compliance.  We  know,  and  all  the  world  knows, 
it  is  o«t  of  our  power?  Will  thofe  who  have  here- 
tofore  affifted  us  take  our  part  ?  Their  afFiirs  require 
peace  as  well  as  ours,  and  they  will  not  think  them- 
fclves  bound  to  undertake  an  unjuft  war  to  regain  to 
us  rights  which  we  have  forfeited  by  a  childilb  lc?uy 
and  a  wanton  contempt  of  public  faith. 

We  (hould  then  have  facrificed  important  mtcrclts 
to  the  little  vindiaive  felfilli  mean  paflions  of  a  few. 
To  fay  nothing  of  the  lofs  of  territory,  of  the  diiad- 
vantage  to  the  whole  commerce  of  the  unio",  by 
obftruaions  in  the  fiOieries  j  this  ftate  would  lofc  an 
annual  profit  of  more  than  £.  50,  000  Sterling,  irom 

the  furr  trade.  .  . 

But  not  to  iofift  on  poflible  inconveniences,  there 
is  a  certain  evil  which  attends  our  intemperance,  a  loft 
of  charaaer  in  Europe.  Our  Miniftcrs  write  that 
aui  condua.  hitherto,  in  this  refpeft,  has  done  us 
infinite  injury,  and  has  exhibited  us  in  the  light  of  a 
people  deftitute  of  government,  on  whofe  engagements 
©f  courfe  no  dependence  can  be  placed. 

The  men  who  are  at  the  head  of  the  party  which 
fontcndsfor  difqualiacation  and  expulfion,  endeavour 
:o  inlift  a  number  of  people  on  their  fide  by  holding 
oui  motives  of  private  advantage  to  them.    To   the 
Trader  they  fay,  you  will  be  overborne  by  the  large 
capitals  of  the  Tory  merchants ;  to  the  Mechanic, 
your  bufinefs  will  be  lefs  profitable,  your  wages  lefs 
confiderable  by  theinteference  of  Tory  workmen.  A 
pan,    the  Icaft  acquainted  with  trade,  will   indeed 
laugh  at  fuch  fuggeftions.    He  will  know,  that  every 
merchant  or  trader  has  an  intcreft  in  the  aggregate 
faafsof  capital  or  ftock  in  trad?  5  that  what  he  himfeli 


'A 


induced  to 
ly,  in  con- 
hai  OtU'dtioa 
ir  10  compel 
orld  knows, 
have  here- 
fiirs  require 
think  them- 
10  regain  to 
lildifti  lc?ity 

mt  iotcrcfts 
IDS  of  a  few. 
)f  the  difad- 
union,  by 
ould  lofe  an 
Urling,  from 

cncea,  there 
erance,  a  lofi 
s  write  that 
las  done  us 
le  light  of  a 
engagements 

party  which 
in,  endeavour 
le  by  holding 
em.    To   the 

by  the  large 
he  Mechanic, 
lur  wages  lefs 
workmen.  A 

will  indeed 
)W,  that  every 
the  aggregate 
hai  he  himfel? 


*i 


(  tj  )  . 

wants  in  capital,  bemnfl  make  up  in  credit;  thattia^ 
lefs  there  are  others  who  ppffefs  large  capitals,  this 
credit  cannot  be  had,  and  that  in  the  diminution  of  the 
general  capital  of  the  State,  commerce  will  dectioe, 
and  his  own  profpe£ls  of  proBt  will  dimiiiifti. 

Thefe  arguments,  if  they  were  underftood,  would 
be  conclufive  with  the  Mechanic  :— "  There  is  already 
•*  employment  enough  for  all  the  workmen  in  the 
•*  city,  and  wages  are  fufficicnily  high.   If  you  could 
*•  raife  them  by  expelling  thofe  who  have  remained 
"  in  the  city,  and  whom  you  confider  as  rivals,  the 
"  extravagant  price  of  wages  would  have  too  cffefis; 
•'  it  would  draw  perfons  to  fettle  here,  not  only  front 
"  other  pans  of  this  State,  but  from  the  neighbouring 
'*  States  :-— Thofe  clafles  of  the  community  who  arc 
to  employ  you,  will  make  a  great  many  (hi fts  rather 
**  than  pay  the  exorbitant  prices  you  demand;  a  man 
*  will  wear  his  old  cloaths  fo  much  longer  before  he 
'*  gets  a  new  foit ;  he  will  buy  imported  (hoes  cheap^ 
**  rather  than  thofe  made  here  at  fo  dear  a  rate  :— 
"  The  owner  of  a  houfe  will  defer  the  repairs  as  long 
*•  as  poflible ;  he  will  only  have  thofe  which  are  ab- 
«  folutely   neceffiry  made;   he  will   not  attend   to 
**  elegant  improvement,  and  the  like  will  happen  id 
"  other  branches.     Thefe   circumftances  will    give 
**  you  lefs  employment,  and  in  a  very  little  time  bring 
•»  back  your  wages  to  what  they  now  arc,  and  cvca 
•«  fink  them  lower.     But  this  is  not  all :  You  are  not 
required  merely  to  expel  your  rival  Mechanics,  but 
you  muft  drive  away  the  rich  merchants  and  others 
•*  who  are  called  Tories,  te  plcafcyour  leaders,  wh» 
"  will  pcrfuade  you  they  ^i^  dangerous  to  your  liber- 
ty (though  in  h&  they  only  mean  their  own  confe- 
qucoce  )     By  this  con^udl  yon  will  drive  s^ay  the 
principal  part  of  thofe  who  have  the  means  of 
becomiog  large  undertakers.     The  Carpenters  and 
"  MafoDS  in  particular,  rauft  be  content  with  patch- 

«ing 


« 


IC 


<« 


({ 


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M;i 


hn\ 


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••* 


(   lO    ■ 

«  iogupthe  houfcs  already  built,  and  buijdidg  iitilc 
"  huts  tipon  the  vacant  lots,  inftcad  of  having  profi- 
"  tabic  and  durable  employment  in  credling  large  and 
«  clegint  edifices." 

There  is  a  certain  proportion  or  level  m  all  the 
departments  of  induftry.  It  is  folly  to  think  to  raife 
any  of  them,  and  keep  them  long  above  their  naiuial 
height.  By  attempting  to  do  it  the  oeconoray  of  the 
political  machine  is  diflurbed,  and,  till  things  return 
10  their  proper  ftaic,;  the  fociety  at  large  fufters. 
The  only  objcft  of  coticern  with  an  iadultrious  arti- 
fan,  as  fuch,  ought  to  be,  that,  there  may  be  plenty 
of  money  in  the  community,  and  a  bri/k  commerce 
to  give  it  circulation  and  aftivity.  All  attecrpts  at 
profit,  through  the  medium  of  monopoly  or  violence 
m\\  be  as  fallacious  as  they  are  culpable. 

But  fay  fome,  to  fuflfer  ihefe  wealthy  difaffeaed 

men  to  remain  amQog  us,  will  be  dangerous  to  our 

liberties ;  enemies  to  our  government,  they  will  be 

always  endeavouring  to  undermine  it  and  bring  us 

ksck  to  the  fubjcftion  of  Greai-i&ritain.     The  fafeft 

reliance  of  every  government  is  on  mens  interefts. 

This  is  a  principle  of  human  nature,  on  which  all 

political  fpceulation.  to   be  p{\,  mult  be  fonndcd. 

Make  it  the  iuiereft  of  thofe  citi^ensi  who,  during 

the  revolution  were  oppofed  to  us,  \o  be  friends  to 

the  new  government,   by  affording  them  not  only 

protection,  but  a  participarion  iu  iis  privileges,  and 

they    will    undoubtedly    become   its  triends.     The 

apprehenfioQ  of   returning  under  the  dominion  of 

Great-Britain  is  chimerical;  if  there- is  any  way  to 

bring  it  about,   the  raeafares  of  thofe  men,   agaitifl 

whofe  condua  thefe  remarks  are  aimed,  lead  diredtiy 

to  it.     A  diforderly  or  a  violent  government   may 

difguft  the  bed  citiz-ns,  and  make  the  body  of  the 

people  tired  of  their  indepeudcoce. 

The 


iildiflg  iitifc 
aving  piofi- 
g  Urge  aod 

)  in  all  the 
link  (0  raife 
heifDatuial 
loray  of  the 
lings  return 
irge  fuftersr 
iftrious  arti- 
y  be  plenty 
k  commerce 
attecrpcs  at 
or  violence 
• 

f  difaffe^ed 
rous  to  our 
bey  will  be 
3d  bring  us 

The  fafeft 
as  interefts. 
0  which  all 
be  fonndcd. 
who,  during 
»e  friends  to 
m  not  only 
ivi leges,  and 
lends.  The 
dominion  of 

any  way  to 

men,   agaitid 

lead  directly 

rnment  may 

body  of  I  he 

The 


(      17     )      • 

The  crc^arraffcd  and   cxhauflcd  (late  of  Great- 
Britain,  and  the  political  fyftem  of  Europe,  render  it 
impoffible  tor  her  ever  to  rc-acqoire  the  dominion  of 
this  country. — Her  former  partizins  muft  be  con- 
vinced of  this,  and  abandon  her  caufe  as  defperatc. 
They  will  never  be  mad  enough  to  rifk  their  fortunes 
a  fecond  time  in  the  hopelefs  attempt  of  reftoring 
her  authority  ;  nor  will  they  have  any  inclination  to 
do  ir,  if  they  are  allowed  to  be  happy  under  the  go- 
vernment of  the   fociety  in  which  they  live.     To 
make  it    prafticable,  if  they  fliould  be  fo  difpofed, 
they  mull  not  only  get  the  government  of  this  ftate, 
but  of   the  United  States  into   their  hands.    ^  To 
fuppofe  this  poffible,  is  to  fuppofe  that  a  nnajoriiy  of 
the  numbers,  property  and  abilities  of  the  United  States 
has  been  and  is  in  oppofition  to  the  revolution.    Its 
fuccefs  is  a  clear  prqpf  that  this  has  not  been  the  cafe  ; 
and  every  man  of  informnion  among  us,  knows  the 
contrary,— The  funpofition  iifelf  would  fiiow  the  ab- 
furdiiy,  of  expelling  a  fmall  nnmber  from  the  city, 
which  would  conftituce  fo  infignificant  a  proportion 
of  the  whole,  as  without  diminifliing  their  influence, 
would  only  increafe  their  difpofition  to  do  mifchief. 
The  policy  io  this  cafe  would  be  evident,  of  appeal- 
ing to  their  interefts  rather  than  to  their  fears.     No- 
thing can  be  more  ridiculous  than  the  idea  of  expelling 
a  few  from  this  city  and  neighbourhood,  while  there 
arc  numbers  in  different  parts  of  this  and  other  flatcs, 
who  muft  neceffarily  partake  io  our  governments,  and 
who  can  never  expert  to  be  the  objects  of  animad- 
vcrfion  or  cxclufion.    It  is  confirming  many  ioi  their 
eqmity  and  prejudices  againft  the  ftaie,  to  indulge  our 
enmity  and  prejudices  againft  a  few. 

The  idea  of  fuffering  the  Tories  to  live  among  us 
under  difqoalifications,  is  equally  mifchievous  and  ab- 
furd.  It  is  fteccflitaiing  a  large  body  of  citizens  ia 
the  ftaic  to  cominuc  enemies  to  the  gQverament,  ready 

C  ^^ 


! 


.    1 


l|: 


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i\r 


ili|;-\% 


/%t 


U; 


i 


, 


{ 


If 


'r      5 1 


(     i8    ) 

at  aH  times,  in  A  moment  of  commotion,  to  throw  iheip 
weight  inro  that  fcale  which  mcdifaics  revenge,  whe- 
ther favourable  or  unfavourable  to  public  liberty. 

Viewing  the  fubjeft  in  every  pofliblc  light,  there 
ii  not  a  fiQgle  inccreft  of  the  cornmuaity  but  dilates 
moderation  rather  than  violence.     That   honerty  is 
ftill  the  bed  policy ;  that  juftice  and  moderation  arc 
the  fureft  fupportsof  every  government,  are  maxims, 
which  however  they  may  be  called  trite,  at  all  times 
true,  though  too  feldom  regarded,  but  rarely  neglcft- 
cd  with  impunity.     Wer-j  the  people  of  America, 
with  CDC  voice,  to  aOc,  What  (hall  we  do  to  perpc- 
mtecur  liberties  and  fecure  our  happioefs?  The 
anfwer  would  be,  "  govern  well"  and  you  have  no- 
thing  to  fear  cither  from  internal  diafFc6lion  or  exter- 
nal hoQility.     Abufe  not  the  power  you  poiTefs,  and 
you  need  never  apprehend  its  diminufion  or  lofs.   But 
if  you  make  a  wanton  u(c  of  ir,  if  you  furnifti  another 
(example,  that  defpoiifm  may  debafe  the  government 
of  the  many  as  well  as  ^\t  few,  you  like  all  others 
that  have  afted   the  fame  part,  will  experience  that 
liccntioufneD  is  the  fore-runner  to  flavery. 

How  wife  was  the  policy  of  Augudus,  who  after 
conquering  his  enemies,  when  the  papers  of  Brutus 
were  brought  to  him,  which  would  ha?e  difdofed  all 
his  fecret  affociates,  immediately  ordered  them  to  be 
burnt.  He  would  not  even  know  his  enemies,  that  they 
might  ccafe  to  hate  when  they  had  noihing  to  fear. 
How  laudable  was  the  example  of  Erirabetb,^P 
when  (he  was  transfer ed  from  the  priibn  to  the  thiBMC, 
fell  upon  her  knees  and  thanking  Heaven,  for  the 
deliverance  it  had  granted  her,  from  her  bloody^  per- 
fecutors ;   difralffed  her  rcfentment.    "  Tbis  aft  of 
'  pious  gratitude,  fays  the  hiftorian,  fccms  tohavcbccq 
the  lad  circumftance  in  which  the  remembered  any 
paft   injuries  and  hirdttiips.     With  a  prudenqc  and 
raaaaanimity  truly  laudable,  (he  buried  all  oflfcDccs  ^ 
7-5    "^  *   '       '  '   '  /  "     pblifion, 


irow  their 
;ngc,  whc- 
crcy. 

ght,  there 
K  dictates 
hooerty  is 
;ratioD  are 
e  roaxims, 
It  all  times 
ly  negicft- 
Araerica, 
to  perpc- 
3efs?  The 
have  no-' 
or  cxter- 
)o{refs,  and 
r  lofs.   But 
lifli  another 
government 
:  ail  others 
jrience  that 

• 

,  who  after 
s  of  Brutus 
difclofed  all 

thein  to  be 
ies,  that  they 
ling  to  fear. 
natJeth,  whp 
}  the  thfscie, 
ren,  for  the 

bloody*  per- 
Tbis  aa  of 
to  have  beeii 
jmbcred  any 
radenqe  and 
II  oifeoces  it\ 
oblivion, 


-       (•  19     ) 

oblivion,  and  received  with  affability  even  thofe,  wh« 
bad  a£lcd  with  the  grcatcft  virulence  againft  her,*' 
She  did  more— (he  retained  many  of  the  oppofite  party 
in  her  councils. 

The  reigns  of  thefe  two  fovercigns,  are  among  the 
moft  illuftrious  in  hiftory.  Their  moderation  gave  a 
(lability  to  their  government,  which  nothing  elfe  could 
have  effcftcd.  This  was  the  fecrct  of  uniting  all  parties. 

Thefe  fentiments  are  delivered  to  you  in  the  frank- 
nefs  of  confcious  integrity,  by  one  vfhofeeU  that  foli- 
citude  for  the  good  of  the  community  which  the 
zealots,  whofe  opinions  he  encounters  profcfs,  by  one 
who  purfuesnot  as  they  do,  the  honour  or  cmolu- 
menis  of  his  country,  by  one  who,  though  he  has 
had,  in  the  courfe  of  the  Revolution,  a  very  confiden- 
tial (hare  in  the  public  councils,  civil  and  military, 
and  has  often,  at  leaft,  met  danger  in  the  common 
caufe  as  any  of  thofe  who  now  a(rame  to  be  the 
guardians  of  the  public  liberty,  aiks  no  other  reward 
of  his  countrymen,  than  to  be  heard  without  preju- 
dice for  their  owq  intered. 

P  H  O  C  I  O  N. 

P.  S,  While  the  writer  hopes  the  fentiments  of 
this  letter  will  meet  the  approbation  of  difcreet  and 
honed  men,  he  thinks  it  necelTary  to  apologize  for 
the  hafty  and  incorteft  manner.  Perhapi?  too,  exprcl- 
fjons  of  too  much  afperity  have  been  employed  againft 
thofe  who  take  the  lead  in  the  principles  which  arc 
here  oppofed  ;  and  feelings  of  indignation  againft  the 
pernicious  tendency  of  their  meafures,  have  not  ad- 
mitted fufficient  allowances  for  what  is,  in  fome 
inftances,  an  honeft,  though  mJ^'^ken,  zeal.  Though 
the  writer  entertains  the  wor(i  opinion  of  the  motives 
pf  many  of  them,  he  believes  there  are  fonae  who 
a£t  from  principle. 


//£4^ 


# 


